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Article Gender & Equalities Latest

Women workers in export processing zones during Covid: the case of Electrolux in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico

Edme Dominguez

In April 2020, a spontaneous uprising of more than 100 workers from the Electrolux factory in Ciudad Juarez led to their dismissal, to their ‘voluntary resignation’. The spontaneous protest was a reaction to the lack of protection measures against Covid that had already started to spread among the workers and had caused at least one death. Their demands went from the closing of the factories, as several other maquilas in the city had already done, to the distribution of basic protective equipment. The response from the management was first to promise to resolve the demands and then to fire 100 workers.

In this paper, we present the testimonies of some of the women workers who were fired in April 2020. They were interviewed in late May and the beginning of June 2021.  The reason for choosing only women workers to interview was because of the context in which Electrolux plants operate, Ciudad Juarez, with its never-ending spiral of violence and femicides.

Ciudad Juarez, violence and women workers

Ciudad Juarez, in the state of Chihuahua, on the US-Mexico border, is an industrial centre with 330 maquilas (assembly factories) owned by American or European enterprises, and they employ about 300 000 people (Infobae, 2020). Most of the employees recruited by these factories come from the southern states of Mexico where opportunities of employment are quite low and where criminal violence has increased enormously in the last 2 decades. The reasons for the flourishing of these industries in this border area is the low salaries[1], the closeness to the US and the NAFTA, the USMCA treaty between the US, Mexico and Canada and the lack of trade unions.

Ciudad Juarez is well known not only in Mexico but even worldwide for an enormous number of feminicides – several hundred women since the mid-1980s – that started to be reported in the 1990s. During the period 2015 to 2020 we can see an increase, from 43 in 2015 to 205 in 2020 (Ellas tienen nombre, 2020). This increase was particularly strong during the pandemic period, 2020 to 2021.

Women, a majority of the workers in the 1980s, remain in the lowest categories in production, but they are also extremely flexible and adapt to all kinds of tasks and skills as their high turnover in the industry demonstrates (Ramírez, 2020). The pandemic hit female labour particularly. Of every ten unemployed because of the pandemic, seven are women. Women represent 71% of those who have not recovered employment (Cullell, 2021). (Nationally, women’s participation in the labour market decreased from 45% of all women aged 15-60 in 2019 to 39% during 2020, which means a setback of about 15 years.)

Finally, Electrolux has about 5000 employees in its plants in Ciudad Juarez. The company has its own ‘codes of conduct’ and has also committed to global guidelines regarding workers’ rights.[2] Regarding this conflict, thanks to the involvement of a Swedish activist, several Swedish trade unions and a Swiss-based union alliance, IndustriALL Global Union, pressed Electrolux which, after 15 months, compensated seven of the 32 workers who had sued the company; none of them were women. The rest had not resisted, and signed agreements with less compensation.[3]

Working in Electrolux before the dismissal

We interviewed seven of the women fired by Electrolux in April 2020. They were 25 to 53 years old, coming mostly from the South but also from neighboring states to Chihuahua. Most of them have children, from small ones to adults. Some of their close family members were either dismissed or still working in Electrolux. These family bonds are important, as they influence the vulnerability of these women workers, especially in the case of single mothers. The experiences were mixed. These women had worked for one to seven years in Electrolux before being dismissed. Most had also worked in other maquilas for up to 20 years before coming to Electrolux. About half of the interviewees said they has liked working there, as the company offered good security and opportunities for promotion. The younger the women, the more positive to the working conditions they were. However, there were also negative experiences that point to heavy work, extremely low or high temperatures (depending on the season of the year), and even work accidents leading to permanent physical damage due to company negligence. As to the salaries, for some of them the salaries were at a good level, but others said they were lower than in other maquilas.

Regarding sexual harassment and discrimination, although these women did not experience it directly, older women workers felt discriminated against compared to young and ‘attractive ones’: the latter got better and easier jobs and quick promotions even if they didn’t have the required skill level. Moreover, young mothers experienced a lack of support regarding care of young children, and there were cases of pregnant women fired just because they asked for leave to address family problems. Many also complained about the lack of support from the company for the night shift regarding transport to their neighbourhoods, something especially serious given the climate of insecurity in Ciudad Juarez.  Trade unions and labour organising were considered a non-issue, as these workers considered that such organising was not permitted by the company, and no one dared to speak about it.

The experience of the dismissal

All of these women stated that they attended a meeting called by some workers to inform them of the situation because they were concerned by the lack of measures against Covid, although they were not really involved. They felt shocked when they returned to work after the weekend, only to be called in groups to be notified they had to sign a ‘voluntary resignation’. They had been promised that measures would be taken, and that they would resume their work. They felt trapped and with no alternative other than to sign and get very small compensation and some of their ‘savings’, and although some of them refused to sign, they were later forced to do so, as they needed the money. Afterwards, in December 2020, fewer than half of the interviewed women heard that Electrolux was giving more compensation, but it proved difficult to get because of deficient administration procedures of the company. They also expressed that they had enormous difficulties getting a new job during the pandemic.

This case illustrates the persistence of a problem most assembling industries on the Mexico-US border still confront: the lack of real and representative labour organising. Transnational industries, regardless of their national origin, together with local authorities, block any kind of organisation and cultivate the myth of the inherently corrupt nature of all trade unions so that workers become sceptical of any such organising efforts. Workers are then left to depend on the goodwill of the enterprise and their codes of conduct which, as we see, have no real value in daily realities. This is the case even with companies that have signed global framework agreements such as Electrolux. This agreement may promise to respect workers’ rights, but ‘respect’ obviously does not cover their right to have independent trade unions. Women workers are even more vulnerable to working environments which lack any respect for rules and rights, because of their family situations and the machismo culture among prevalent workers, supervisors and management. This becomes more visible during crisis such as the pandemic, whose consequences for women workers, as we have seen, were even worse than for men.

[1] The minimum salary was 181 Mexican pesos (US$9) in 2019 and 203 pesos (US$10) a day in January 2021, compared to US$7.25 an hour in Texas and US$13 in California (Pérez, 2021).

[2] Their code of conduct commits the company to adhere to the International Bill of Human Rights and International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) Core Conventions, the UN Global Compact, and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.

[3] Industriall is one of the global union federations, and has a global framework agreement with Electrolux. This global framework agreement signed by Electrolux covers workers’ rights all over the world. The pressure from the Swedish unions came through this agreement.


Edmé Domínguez R. is an associate professor (docent) in Peace and Development Studies. Since the 1990s she has been working on gender studies within International Relations, global political economy and democracy. Her area of study is Latin America, specifically Mexico, Central America and Bolivia. She is a founder and presently the president of Gender and Development in Practice, an association in Sweden.


Read our other articles from Global Labour Column here.

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Article Informal Work Latest

Transport workers uniting along the Belt & Road

Series: Labour Perspectives on China #6

– Sean Sayer

Transport workers move the world. Trade and travel cannot function without us. This means that transport workers are some of the first to be impacted when governments or companies invest in and change the way the world moves and trades.

Waves of international investment in transport have created millions of good jobs throughout recent history. But we have also seen how this overseas investment has been used to undermine our rights, pay and conditions. The Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) – China’s US$1 trillion overseas infrastructure development project – is one of the latest attempts to change how the world trades. What does this mean for transport workers?

In 2022, trade unions affiliated with the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF) from thirty-eight countries and from every continent met in Manila to try to answer this question.

In context

First, it is important to put the BRI in context. The American Enterprise Institute’s China Global Investment Tracker estimates that between 2013 and 2020, the BRI invested US$400 billion in overseas transport infrastructure, the World Bank Group invested UD$178 billion, and the Asian Development Bank invested US$83 billion. In 2021, Chinese outward foreign-direct investment represented less than 7% of the global total. The US (23%), Germany (8%) and Japan (8%) all spent more. So, the first decision by our affiliates was to understand the opportunities and challenges posed by all types of international investment, not just BRI.

Transport workers around the world have seen how all types of international investment pose risks to recipient economies, societies, communities and workplaces. For example, International Monetary Fund and World Bank loans to countries including Cameroon, Ghana, Nicaragua and Pakistan required ‘structural adjustment’ programmes which demanded that governments privatise or dramatically cut spending on public services, often including transport. When the World Bank disperses aid to a low-income country, the amount of cash in offshore accounts controlled by the country’s elites tends to increase on average by about 7.5%.

The World Bank (2018) estimates that, if completed, BRI transport projects could reduce travel times along economic corridors by 12%, increase trade between 2.7% and 9.7%, increase income by up to 3.4% and lift 7.6 million people from extreme poverty. BRI is also estimated to create thousands of transport and supply chain jobs in most recipient countries, including Kazakhstan (200,000 jobs), Kenya (more than 60,000), Mongolia (50,000), and Pakistan (more than 60,000).

In 2019, China signed a series of agreements relating to the BRI with the ILO and three Chinese ministries. These agreements (1) promote decent work, social justice and a ‘human-centred future of work’; (2) support occupational safety; and (3) promote the effective implementation of the ILO’s Maritime Labour Convention along the BRI. This could signal that the Chinese ministries acknowledge that international labour rights and laws apply to workers in the countries they are investing in and building transport infrastructure in, as well as to the cross-border workers who are working between them.

However, Chinese project-based, migrant workers tend to make up a significant proportion of those working in BRI investments. Often, local labour laws are not applied to these non-resident workforces. Many of these workers are reported to suffer from egregious human rights violations. For example, in Serbia, the local labour laws were suspended for Chinese nationals working there. In the Serbian Zijin Mining Group Co. copper mine, Chinese employees worked 12-hour days, were forced to hand passports over to employers, and had little to no health and safety protection, including during the COVID-19 pandemic. In the Linglong Tyre Co. factory in Serbia, Chinese workers experienced poor housing conditions, no access to medical services, issues with or absences of wages, and were again forced to give their passports to employers, leading to allegations of human trafficking and modern slavery.

Labour rights abuses and divisions

Furthermore, local workers are often subjected to human rights and labour rights abuses. For example, working conditions in the construction of the new Phnom Penh International Airport show systemic human rights abuses. Imported Chinese workers are paid US$50 to US$70 a day, while local Cambodians are paid US$7.5 to US$15 a day, and women are paid less than men. Accommodation is in local temporary settlements, where workers’ children live on site, with no food, education, healthcare, water or electricity provided. There is minimal provision of sanitation facilities and personal protective equipment, and uneven and inconsistent provision of compensation for health and safety failures.

In Mongolia, truck drivers reported that BRI investment into infrastructure built for the extraction and transport of coal had put truck drivers and railway workers in direct competition with new groups of informal, cross-border workers and employment models. Furthermore, the development of rail and logistics infrastructure continues to threaten a shift away from unionised labour in trucking.

In Pakistan, BRI projects avoid collective bargaining by avoiding railways, instead focusing on trucking. Where collective bargaining cannot be avoided, alliances between Chinese interests and local elites are challenging the industrial models and labour movement.

In Kenya, the flagship US$3.6 billion Mombasa-Nairobi Standard Gauge Railway, and the special economic zones (SEZs) around the connected ports and logistics centres, are estimated to employ around 60 000 workers. However, rail exclusively moves the freight coming in and out of the SEZs, bypassing the better-unionised truck drivers and collective bargaining.

Transport needs nearly US$50 trillion of investment by 2040. Transport workers around the world recognise that to create decent work, resilient supply chains, a fair economy, gender equity, climate justice, and a more sustainable transport and development model, we must welcome spending on transport infrastructure. However, this financial commitment must be conditional on the guarantee of fundamental human rights, including freedom of association, the right to collective bargaining, the right to strike, and all our fundamental labour rights.

What international investment should guarantee

Therefore, transport workers’ representatives in Manila agreed that international investment must be:

Safe – occupational health and safety is a fundamental right at work. Applicable laws and regulations must be respected and enforced to protect to all workers, regardless of their gender, occupation, terms of employment and contractual status.

Democratic – local and international laws, regulations and democratic processes must be respected. Trade unions must be treated as equal partners by governments and employers in collective bargaining. Critical infrastructure must be owned by, and operated for the people it serves.

Fair – secure, permanent, and formal employment must be offered to all workers equally, regardless of their ethnicity, nationality, religion, gender or background, and respected by employers. Governments and employers must ensure that informal work and other non-standard forms of employment are not used to deny workers their rights.

Open – workers must be included in the negotiation and agreement of investment. No governments should sign deals in secret. Full transparency and accountability of negotiations of contracts and trade deals must be a minimum standard for international investment. Trade unions must be recognised as effective and critical partners for ensuring transparency and accountability at all levels.

Skills-based – local workers must be trained and skilled to construct, operate and maintain transport infrastructure built using international investment. The ITF and its affiliates oppose any exploitation of non-resident workers and unfair labour competition.

Fundamentally, BRI and other forms of international investment are connecting workers in new, exciting ways. In Manila, we witnessed the birth of a new family of transport workers connected by patterns of international investment, born of solidarity, unity and understanding.

Trade unions representing transport workers in Central and Southeastern Asia are cooperating with those in Africa and Europe to develop organising models for third-country nationals. Transport workers are connecting with construction workers, learning from their experiences working under Chinese and overseas employers or investment. Governments seeking to ensure transparency and accountability of projects stemming from international investment are looking to trade unions for assistance. New human rights due diligence laws that require government and companies to check and fix their domestic and overseas supply chains are giving trade unions a legally recognised role in upholding labour rights in the BRI and global trade. To do this, we must work across borders and organise some of the most exploited and vulnerable workers in supply chains that are adjusting to international investment.

By focusing on workplace rights, experiences and solidarity, trade unions are building a new future amid profound change. Supply chains may ebb and flow – becoming more local, regional or again global – but the solidarity among transport workers has always been, and will always be, global. This is where real workers’ power is built today, tomorrow and forever.


Sean Sayer is a policy advisor at the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF), based in London, UK. He coordinates the ITF’s supply chain programme, working with transport workers and their trade unions across the world.


Read our other articles from Global Labour Column here.